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The
Ghost of Stalingrad Columnist
Capt (Retd) AA JILANI studies the German defence of Stalingrad. Towards
the autumn of 1942 Hitler’s main objective for his Army Group South on
the Russian front was Grozny and the Maikop oilfields, but the German
advance into the Caucasus was slowing down due to overstretched L of C and
the additional commitments for the North Africa campaign. The Wehrmacht
had overrun the Maikop oilfields which were a shambles having been
blown-up and destroyed by the retreating Red Army. Grozny lay a further
300 miles to the East of Maikop - in fact further eastward than Stalingrad
- so the Fuehrer realised that there was scant hope of his troops reaching
this city. On 7 October 1942 he ordered the Luftwaffe to destroy the
Soviet oilfields around Grozny, and exactly 57 years later Boris Yeltsin
ordered the Russian Army to capture Grozny and crush the rebels. In 1942
it was only when the Wehrmacht offensive in the Caucasus ground to a halt
that the Fuehrer switched the prime objective to Stalingrad because he
needed a symbolic victory to bolster up the declining progress on the
Eastern front. It was the Moscow apartment bloc explosions of September
1999 which triggered the ghastly war in Chechnya, and the KGB had not
discouraged the use of chemical weapons even if that involved killing
children because they maintained that “Chechen children are the
criminals of the future”. Boris Yeltsin’s stubborn determination to
capture Grozny irrespective of the costs was no less than the Fuehrer’s
burning obsession to conquer Stalingrad no matter how high the cost of
human sacrifice. The
very name Stalingrad conjures up a glittering symbol of dogged and
tenacious resistance, a desperate struggle for every inch of territory and
an iron determination to stand fast against overwhelming odds. Colonel
General Friedrich Paulus (held in high esteem by the Fuehrer) with his
dispirited and exhausted 6th Army had already penetrated the outer
fortifications of the city, fighting in the outskirts from house to house
and street to street. On 8 January 1942 General Constantion Rokossovski
publicly called on Paulus to surrender rather than face certain
annihilation and destruction, but Paulus still believed that Paul
Hausser’s SS Panzer Corps would soon arrive to enable the encircled 6th
Army to break out. On the 17 January 1942 Paulus radioed: “Mein Fuehrer,
your orders on the supply of my Army are not being obeyed” and one week
later the German newspapers for the first time revealed the death throes
of the encircled 6th Army. On 31 January 1942 the Fuehrer broadcast a
special proclamation to the German people that they would emerge
victorious from the sacrifices and the bloodshed at Stalingrad. He then
telegraphically promoted Paulus to the rank of Field Marshal, thus putting
the pistol in Paulus’ hand because no German Field-Marshal had ever
surrendered. But the very next day, with more than 10,000 wounded
Wehrmacht soldiers lying unattended in the wrecked streets, the dejected
Field Marshal meekly surrendered his ragged and depleted Army as 11
Wehrmacht Generals and 108,000 troops went into Russian captivity, of whom
only 6,000 would ever see their homeland again. So enraged was the Fuehrer
that he summoned his naval aide in the middle of the night to find out
whether the telegraph promotion order could be rescinded, but he was
informed that the news had already been spread over the front pages of the
newspapers. For days on end he fumed and cursed this “treacherous
betrayal by a German Field Marshal which has brought disgrace and
dishonour to the Fatherland”. For World War II, following closely after
the Battle of EI-Alamein, this was the turn of the tide. The
rubble and the ashes of Stalingrad have emerged as a legendary beacon
light of a century which eventually burned out in the flames and the ruins
of Grozny. While the world celebrated the dawn of a new Millennium, Grozny
was bleeding. When Boris Yeltsin boasted about turning Grozny into a huge
bomb crater, it seemed that he was forgetting his own history. In 1942 the
massive Luftwaffe air raids on Stalingrad had turned the smouldering city
into the perfect killing ground where the gallant Red Army could ambush
and destroy the German invaders. The present conflict in Chechnya is full
of paradoxes and distorted parallels with Stalingrad. Today in Putin’s
Russia, Chechnya has assumed a similar significance to Stalingrad in 1942,
a symbol of heroic resistance. Whatever
their forlorn hopes of crushing the Chechen resistance before the
forthcoming Presidential election, the Russians cannot risk any major
reverse or heavy casualties. Much depends upon the Chechen reserves of
ammunition; the Russian commanders may try to provoke them into wasting
what they have, but they do not know how many armour-piercing weapons
Chechnya has. The stubborn defenders of Grozny had implemented the Red
Army’s Stalingrad methods against their own descendants. In 1942 General
Chuikov’s 62nd Army had funnelled the enemy armour into minefields
covered with anti-tank weapons, so the Wahrmacht found itself caught up in
the Stalingrad Academy of street fighting - a very hard school in which so
many young soldiers parished in the ruins. Of course the sewer and cellar
clearance of 1942 with flame-throwers did not occur on the same scale at
Grozny, nor did we hear of the sharpened spades and knives used at night
by the fighting patrols in Stalingrad. To a certain extent there was an
ironic reversal of roles. In 1942 the Wehrmacht soldiers were scared of
operations in the dark which caused them to fire off millions of rounds at
mere shadows. The Red Army, fully aware of this inherent German fear,
maintained the night pressure which provoked stress and exhaustion. This
was exactly the Chechen tactics against the Russian conscripts of the late
1990s who were never imbued with that great patriotic spirit of Stalingrad.
The ailing Boris Yeltsin could not cut such an inspiring and commanding
figure as Josef Stalin who so magnificently rallied his troops and also
the entire civil population in the cause for the Great Patriotic War
against the Nazi invaders. The
most pathetic and gruesome similarity between the two battles was the
pitiless treatment of the hapless civilians. In September 1942 there were
about 50,000 destitute civilians trapped in the sewers and cellars of
Stalingrad, even in shell-holes. When the struggle finally ended in
January 1943 there were still about 10,000 of them alive, an astonishing
survival rate considering the savagery of the conflict. The battle for
Grozny was not on the same scale nor could it drag on much longer because
the Chechens had no re-supply route. Yet the fate of those civilians at
Grozny was equally heart-rending due to the intense winter cold, the
constant bombardment, the stress and starvation just as the population of
Stalingrad had experienced. The
Western and the Islamic condemnation of the Russian assault on Grozny was
of no benefit to the Chechens, rather it hardened the Russian resolve to
crush the rebels without any mercy. The Russians are invoking the ruthless
determination which was displayed by their forefathers half a century ago
as though the valiant Chechens were somehow equivalent to the Nazi hordes.
Perhaps the Germans had confused the cause and the effect in order to try
and justify their invasion of the Soviet Union, but the Russian leaders of
today are trapping themselves in a moral, political and blind alley. The
fall of Grozny is not the end of the war because the stubborn Chechens
will re-group in the hills and in the countryside to carry on the struggle
to the bitter end. The costly destruction of Grozny is just the beginning
of a low-intensity war that will drag on into the 21st century. The spirit
of Stalingrad has been reincarnated after having enriched the 20th century
so splendidly. It
is not the critic who counts; not
the man who points how the strong man stumbles or where the doer of deeds
could have done better. The credit belongs to the man who is actually out
in the arena, whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood; who
strives valiantly; who errs and comes short again and again; because there
is no effort without error and shortcoming...... if he fails, at least he
fails while daring bravely, so that his place shall never be with those
cold and timid souls who know neither victory nor defeat. (Richard
Nixon 1974) |