
Publisher & Managing Editor:
Ikram-ul-Majeed Sehgal
Chief Patron
Air Marshal (Retd)
Mohammad Asghar Khan
Patrons
Lt Gen (Retd) SF Lodi
Brig (Retd)TH Siddiqi
Lt Gen (Retd) Imtiaz Waraich
Board of
Editorial Advisors
Ardeshir Cowasjee
Arif Nizami
Ms Maleeha Lodhi
Ms Nasim Zehra
Hameed Haroon
Humayun Gauhar
Ambassador (Retd) Afzal Mahmood
Brig (Retd) Saeed Ismat, SJ
Panel of
Contributing Editors
Air Marshal (Retd) Ayaz A. Khan
Vice Adm (Retd) IF Quadir
Dr Shireen Mazari
Farhan Bokhari
Panel of Columnists
Col (Retd) EAS Bokhari
Col (Retd) Abdul Qayyum
Dr. Matiur Rahman
Ms Amina Jilani
Capt (Retd) A.A. Jilani
A. H. Amin
Executive Editor
Ms Ambreen Jahangir
Vice President Marketing
Syed Tauseef Muhammad Ali
Tel: (021) 5843421, 5843502-9
Karachi
Akber Moiz, VP Coordination
Naushad Alam, AVP Marketing
Rahil Tariq, Advertisement Manager
Lahore
Kamran Ahmed Chohan, Capt (Retd), VP Coordination
Azizullah Goheer, AVP Marketing
Tel: (042) 6313759
Islamabad
Muhammad Jawad Malik, AVP Marketing
Tel: (051) 2828351, 2826674
Circulation & Accounts
Ms Parveen Akhter, VP
Cover Design
Khurram Mahmood
Printing Manager
Tariq Jamal
Bureau Chief Lahore
Dr. Mansoor Ahmed Khan
Tel: (042) 6313759, Fax: (042) 6360236
Bureau Chief Rawalpindi/Islamabad
Brig (Retd) Asmat Beg Humayun
Tel: (051) 815165
Ms Anwara Shaikh, EVP Public Relations
Tel: (051) 2823851, 2826674
Printed at Pathfinder
Printing Press. Under the steps Hocley Stadium, Phase 5, Defence Housing Authority
Karachi.
Creative Publicity is
handled by
DYNAVIS (Pvt) Ltd
Tel 5843502, 578798, 5863920 Fax:(021) 5863924
Lahore: (042) 6360236
Islamabad: (051) 277683, 815168
|
Dear Readers,
When
1 Army Aviation Squadron moved to Mangla from Dhamial in March/April
1969, Maj Gen (then Lt Col) Naseerullah Khan Babar, SJ & Bar was
GSO-1 HQ Army Aviation Base, Dhamial. He would speak to the Squadron
many times a day on the hot line which was on the Adjutant’s desk. I
became Adjutant of the Squadron in September 1969 but my CO Lt Col
Hashmi was soon posted out. Those who did not know their jobs were
terrified of Gen Babar, whenever he called my new CO (famous for
receiving Lt Gen Attiqur Rahman during the Corps Comd’s Admin
Inspection without his belt) would give a vigorous shake of the head
to indicate that he was not around. Till I was posted to 4 Army
Aviation Squadron in July 1970, having done my Basic Rotary Wing
(OH-13S) and then Advanced Rotary Wing (Alouette-3) Conversion
Courses, I had the privilege of speaking to Gen Babar many times a day
and did not receive one single harsh word from him then, or since
then. On the contrary he would take great pains to explain anything
difficult. When he led the Aviation Task Force to East Pakistan in
November 1970 for the cyclone, I was one of the pilots attached to Log
Flight Eastern Command, flying sometimes more than 10-12 hours a day.
Blunt and outspoken, this man of action had no time for the
inefficient, the indolent, the ignorant, and the dishonest. He would
always stand by his subordinates if he believed in them. When a
“particular friend of mine” manipulated to get the NOC of the
private security company that my family owns majority shares in
cancelled, once even sealing the offices of all the other businesses,
it was Gen Babar, who as Minister for Interior, not only had the NOC
restored, but contemptuously brushed aside as transparent fiction that
“gentleman’s” petty fairy tales. Karachi was well on its way to
becoming Beirut when the PM Ms Benazir mandated Gen Babar in 1995 to
restore the peace. Today we enjoy the bright lights of this city
because this man, armed with a swagger stick, cleaned up the mess
Operation “Clean-Up” (launched in 1992) had left behind. How many
have the moral courage to acknowledge this? In the elections of 1997,
to prove a point, he fought for a NA seat from Karachi, which he would
have won provided the counting had been fair. He would venture unarmed
into the crowds till Maj Gen (Retd) Hedayetullah Khan Niazi and I
combined to insist that he should get some protection, he reluctantly
agreed to have an escort of one armed guard. Though I have great
respect for former President Farooq Leghari as a person (unfortunately
Gen Babar doesn’t), for the life of me I cannot understand why Ms
Benazir did not have Gen Babar as her candidate for President.
I suppose great minds think alike, in similar manner Mian Nawaz
Sharif discarded Mr Sartaj Aziz for Rafiq Tarar, his loyal man who
remains the incumbent of the Presidency while Mian Sahib prays
regularly for him in the holy land. Our readers will not fail to
perceive the quality of this outstanding soldier and citizen come out
in the lines of the interview, conducted brilliantly by A H Amin. How
many men can claim to have captured an enemy rifle company (70 odd
soldiers in this case) single-handed? I wrote an article
“DE-TARAR-ISING PAKISTAN” recently, which I am reproducing for the
benefit of the readers.
Military
regimes in this country have a triple choice of acts to follow, the
Ayub, Yahya or Zia role models. Or they can do the smart thing, be
selective about what is good for the country from all three models and
shun what is bad. Ayub and Zia took the manipulative route to extend
their respective tenures, in hindsight Yahya probably should have
manipulated the elections to maintain the unity of this country. The
Yahya model was easily the best with respect to governance but he
gambled free and fair elections against the country’s future and
lost, the good points of his regime have been long forgotten. Ayub’s
formula was indirect elections through an 80,000 strong electoral
college, while Zia, more of a hands-on politician, mastered the art of
manipulating a few hundred parliamentarians. Except for a profound
belief in God, Zia never meant what he said and never said what he
meant. Both the dictators enjoyed favourable international
environment, reasonably good economies as well as having their
considerable military outlays shored up by countries that had a
self-interest in doing so, at least so long as it suited their
geo-strategic grand designs.
Musharraf
inherited an impossible economic situation in a world extremely
hostile to military takeovers. Placed No 2 in the Corruption index, an
imperfect democratic system ensured that less than 16% of the total
votes that could be cast was translated as a “massive mandate”
alternately for either of the two major political parties to make hay
while their sun shone. Except for a coup how were we to get out of the
Catch-22 corruption trap while the leaders of both major political
parties alternated in looting the public till in the name of
democracy. The irony is that to avoid accountability the same
politicians are brazenly recommending a “safe exit” for the
military regime. Thrust into a situation not of his own making, Pervez
Musharraf faced a cabal of countries hell-bent on clamping sanctions
on us till we whispered “uncle” and made the right noises on CTBT,
nuclear non-proliferation being more on their minds of powers-that-be
than any democratic mores. Our politicians went off to their uncles in
the Commonwealth to bail them out, hypocrisy personified in their
crocodile tears. The military regime capitalized on two brilliant
moves, not declaring martial law and giving the press full freedom. No
small help also in that internationally Musharraf presents the liberal
image of an Army painted by virulent Indian propaganda as having
“fundamentalist” leanings.
A
military regime by any name can never be a good enough replacement for
democracy but with the major percentage of the civil administration
and politicians thoroughly corrupt, the country’s very existence was
threatened, military rule is an always acceptable alternative. Till
very recently Musharraf’s heart (and the minds of his closest aides)
seemed to be pushing the Ayub model a la Turkey i.e. with garnishings
of constitutional role for the military, but recent events have been
more of the Zia-kind 80’s era. The military has involved itself in
day-to-day governance more than is necessary and chosen an indifferent
lot of civilian technocrats to help run the country, even so one felt
that there is method in their madness. One has to be a little gone in
the mind to try and govern Pakistan in the conditions prevailing. As
the most professionally competent bunch among the four military
regimes, one expected their performance levels to be far above that of
the previous three. Therefore, the events of March have been
disturbing, creating doubt as to their ultimate intentions, more
importantly as to their ability to apply the experience of yesteryears
to today’s situations. Both the Ayubian and Zia scripts call for
Republicanizing the PML into a “more loyal than the King’s
party”, any time any Army plays politics it is a potential disaster
in the making. To quote Col Otto Von Skorzeny, “politics is the
soldier’s curse”.
Mian
Mohammad Azhar may be a good man but certainly this country deserves
better, he should not have been thrust upon us as a national leader,
that he is not and will never be. One must remember that even a city
like Lahore does not a country make, manipulation invariably begets
deliberate misinformation in reaction. With devolution set to bring in
grass-roots accountability of sorts, why wreck its credibility before
it is even operative? If the whole exercise is meant to first bring in
a Presidential system and use the “restored assemblies” to put
their dhobi mark on amending the constitution to make the President
all-powerful, Mian Azhar may be a convenient fall-guy but why not go
the direct (and soldierly) route and for a change avoid Sharifuddin
Pirzada’s legal subterfuge? To his credit Mian Azhar was among those
who quite vehemently opposed the Sharif regime from within the PML
when the Sharifs were in power but selective accountability and
blatant political patronage has undercut both his and the military’s
credibility, many believing that Zardaris and Sharifs excluded,
Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain’s Gujrat Inc had the most to account for.
The intelligent men of the Intelligence have virtually assured a large
bloc in the National Assembly for PPP, certainly a workable majority
in the Sindh Assembly. Using the PML split to her advantage in the
Local Bodies election, Ms Benazir, the most resilient comeback kid of
all times, has run an effective filibuster on the theory that if she
keeps up a drumbeat of denials and tell lies long (and loudly) enough,
the falsehood will ultimately be accepted as the truth.
Musharraf’s
biggest problem is that he cannot tell a deliberate lie. With the
result that when asked about doffing his uniform as COAS come October,
he flatly said he would not retire. Questioned about Presidential
aspirations, he chose to be deliberately vague, tacitly confirming to
skeptics their fears. Howls of protest emanated from politicians of
all ilk except the nouveau faithful i.e. PML (Republican), the same
crowd that not only approved of Tarar but applauded him when he was
brought out from oblivion like a rabbit out of a hat by the Sharifs.
But can (or should) the military regime rely on the loyalty of those
(with the honourable exception of Mian Azhar and few others) who have
a proven record of turning on their masters when the masters are no
longer in power?
The
Chief Executive is presently the absolute ruler, the Supreme Court of
Pakistan says so, more importantly the Army says so. All power of the
State being vested in him by that diktat, what’s the fuss if he
assumes the post of President? He should have done so on Oct 12, 1999
in the first place and saved us from the ridiculous sight of the
“Tarar goose-step” on Constitution Avenue on Republic Day. Rafiq
Tarar should have done the honourable thing and resigned when the
Sharifs were downed but such nuances about honour and loyalty are
probably beyond his lexicon. The Sharifs (and for all politicians)
brought in Tarar on a two-fold purpose, viz (1) have a loyal puppet in
the Presidency and (2) downgrade the importance of this august office.
Convenient for the Sharifs (and for all politicians) perhaps but for a
self-respecting country to have such a Head of State is nonsense
logic. What we need is the rapid un-Tarar-isation of Pakistan, why
play out this ridiculous farce?
The
military must avoid initiating a pretty complicated political
manoeuvre when the need of the hour is to formulate and execute a
simple gameplan. While the end result is acceptable, i.e. only a
powerful President will be a comprehensive insurance that
institutional reforms being enacted will more importantly, continue to
see light of the day in the future, the modus operandi being employed
to ensure that is asinine. Given that politicians have repeatedly
tried to put their favourites into the COAS Chair to fortify their own
existence and that political parties have only carried out selective
accountability of their opponents, if at all, the COAS Chair should
not be made a political football and accountability a motivated
revenge machine a la Saif. Defence and accountability should be
Presidential subjects. The Supreme Court should suo-moto repeal such
amendments in the Constitution that Nawaz Sharif brought in to
circumscribe Presidential powers. Only as President can Musharraf
ensure not only free and fair general elections a la Yahya before Oct
2002 but more importantly, continuity. Any political party or grouping
thereof that is elected should uninhibited in governing under a strong
Presidency. Musharraf believes in what he says but on issues that no
one in uniform has ever had real command of e.g. the economy, he
continues to be badly misinformed about possible courses of action.
Musharraf is a lucky man, he must use his own good fortune for the
good of this country sensibly before both his luck and time run out.
Let people without ambition or inhibition tell him the truth as it is,
not as he wants to hear it. Armed with the correct facts and believing
in his destiny, he can only do good for this nation. Instead of
wasting time in a game of musical legal chairs, Musharraf should end
this charade, put Tarar out to pasture and get on with it!
|