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Dear Readers,
Mian
Nawaz Sharif and family have been flown into royal exile in Saudi
Arabia. While many explanations have been given, suffice to say that
the man who was affected the most, Gen Pervez Musharraf, could not
have had an easy time letting a man, who could become his nemesis in
the future, out of his hands. Give Pervez Musharraf credit for rising
above his personal safety. Obviously the country's interest remained
supreme in letting the Sharifs go and that is all that there is to it.
However, Pakistan has become a hotbed of wild rumours, some of them
defeating imagination. This has unnecessarily put the military
hierarchy under pressure when they do not need the additional burden
of fighting off such rumours. While one cannot doubt the military's
sincere intentions, or for that matter their integrity, their choosing
of civilians for day-to-day governance has been a disaster. These
On-The-Job (OJT) types are just getting their CVs brushed up at
Pakistan's expense for technocrat jobs in the future in world
institution. While we are ready to give the benefit of the doubt to
the CE and his associates, he should reciprocate by getting human
quality par excellence on his team, people of some consequence, people
who may not entirely agree with him but will serve the greater cause
he represents, Pakistan. Pakistan cannot be served by technocrats,
only people with entrepreneurial talent, dedicated to the country and
the ability to speak bluntly, can deliver. As for the publication of
the "Hamoodur Rahman, Commission Report", one hopes that the Indian
media will now reciprocate by asking for similar Commissions on
Kashmir, Khalistan, Nagaland, Bodoland, Meghalaya, Gorkhaland, Assam,
Manipur, Mizoram, etc besides what they have been upto in Hyderabad,
Junagadh, Daman and Diu, Sri Lanka, Sikkim, Bhutan, etc. It should be
interesting to see how "saintly" a fashion the Indian Army has behaved
over the past 50 years in putting down bloody insurrections which
never seem to end. My first article for the new millennium in THE
NATION was entitled "A DIFFICULT ROAD AHEAD", I am taking the liberty
of re-producing this.
All
military governments seek legitimacy on coming to power. Given that no
Constitution in the world allows any form of military rule except
under the aegis of elected authority, martial laws can be legal in the
moral but not in the technical sense. Contriving a patchwork of legal
niceties to legitimize martial law has no morality and is, therefore,
an exercise in futility, why subvert the sanctity of our superior
judiciary by making them a party to legal subterfuge? However, a
situation may well arise without alternative, the Armed Forces either
impose martial law to preserve the integrity of the country or go the
road to destruction (into history) holding the constitution aloft,
that would be very moral but very stupid. The integrity and
sovereignty of the nation must always come first in this Hobson's
Choice. Those who have taken an oath to defend the country even to the
peril of their lives can have only one clear mission, the country
above anything else, including the Constitution if it comes to that.
Soldiers opting for "the doctrine of necessity" will be protected by
the sincerity of their actions while in power. There is no need to get
bogged down by legal shenanigans, they will be protected by the final
arbiters of the destiny of any country, the will of the people.
Oct
12, 1999 was one such watershed in the life of Pakistan. The threat of
civil war loomed very high, one shot could have ignited a
conflagration. With the economy in shambles, the rule of law being
flouted at will in the name of the Constitution by those elected under
the Constitution, and conditions of anarchy ripe in the body politic,
the Army had no choice once thrust by Mian Nawaz Sharif into power but
to seek redress of the grievances of the people. The legality of any
military rule has virtual relevance in their commitment to carrying
out transparent accountability, setting in motion reforms and behaving
responsibly in the day-to-day governance of the country. The acid test
comes after the soldier relinquishes power, viz (1) whether the prime
threat to the country's existence justified his actions and (2) the
manner of his governance whilst in power. And if a court of law
decides the soldier is guilty and should be punished, being ready to
give his life for his country the soldier should be ready to accept
his fate. What is the risk if the person is confident that he is right
and will remain correct?
Starting
virtually from scratch, the military regime has quite successfully
conducted accountability. They have, for the first time in this
country, brought people to justice, fully 82% of them being
politicians and bureaucrats, only 18% businessmen and others. However,
the concept of plea-bargaining setting people scot-free is not
correct. Anyone guilty of fraud, bribery, etc must get all his/her
assets frozen. Why should the guilty be allowed to buy their way out
of jail by using the very same money they have robbed in the first
place? Setting the guilty free has done incalculable damage to the
fabric of our society, the mass psyche is beginning to accept
illegality has only a monetary punishment tag if caught. NAB should at
least ensure that on a scale of 10, white-collar rogues registering 7
and above should stay in jail. One can understand however, when
friendly States get involved, the "doctrine of necessity" takes over
e.g. the Sharif family exile. As such we have to accept that at times
NAB's hands are tied because of the national interest. However, the
Army must cleanse itself! While agreeing that because of national
security reasons and the morale factor every incident cannot be made
public, categories like viz (1) looting money from retired
ex-servicemen under the co-op pyramid scheme (2) taking huge
commissions on defence deals in foreign exchange and not declaring
them and (3) not paying due taxes on the amounts secreted abroad,
should be prosecuted. The perception that some "special people" are
being protected must be removed from public mind. For the sake of a
few individuals the military regime's credibility has taken a hit. The
same standards must apply for friend and/or foe alike, the application
of laws should not be "enemy-specific".
The
various Task Forces for reforms have drawn generally good reviews but
putting the cart before the horse by first devising a solution and
then seeking debate on it rather than the other way around is wrong.
As is the modus operandi in any "military appreciation", before coming
to a plan one first consider the factors, arrive at deductions that
give the elements of options available for a plan and then finalize a
plan on merit. Devolution of power is correct but to what extent given
our racial, ethnic, sectarian and other differences? The on-going
exercise for phased Local Bodies elections should be an eye-opener,
most of the old guard of politicians are back, by themselves or by
proxy. We are actually going to make super-dictators out of feudal
lords in each District, "legitimately" having the power of life and
death of every citizen in the "fiefdoms" where they have been "ruling"
illegitimately for countless years. Power must be given at the
grassroots level to the people but homogeneity denying feudal
supremacy requires that more than one rural district be clubbed
together. Governance below the Province should be at the Divisional
level rather than the District. The disintegration of Yugoslavia is a
living nightmare. Lacking in street smart pragmatism, Naqvi and Party
have been misled by their theoretical evaluations, a failure of
experience and pragmatism rather than of sincerity.
The
only real failing of this military regime is in the choosing of
civilian technocrats for day-to-day governance. The civilian cabinet
should have comprised entrepreneurs and politicians. Those who never
risk their careers for what they believe in should never be allowed
near the portals of government. Entrepreneurs are risk-takers as well
as competent managers, they are able to evaluate the real implications
of policy initiatives and make pragmatic changes as necessary.
Politicians not only get a correct feed-back from the people but get
the message of the regime across to the people in the language they
understand. Gen Pervez Musharraf said he would not stand on his ego if
he made a mistake, unfortunately he is blindsiding this constant
advice. He should sack this bunch of classified pen-pushers, more
interested in their own personal agendas than in the country. The
regime has to get back to the basics of mission orientation, change to
a positive system of governance in keeping with the genius of the
people while ensuring a strict system of accountability. Instead of
putting serving professional soldiers into every walk of life, it
would have been better to draw into the vast reservoir of
ex-servicemen and ex-bureaucrats and place composite Task Forces,
headed by serving major generals in every Ministry as a Monitoring
Team, particularly the Ministries of Finance and Commerce, to monitor
day-to-day routine and public grievances thereof, rather than run the
Ministries. One of the first things one learns in the Army is the
concept of "vital ground", you hold it (or capture it) at all costs.
There is nothing more vital than shortage of revenues. When all of
Pakistan's economic problems stem from this shortfall, why has no
soldier (or ex-soldier) ever darkened the doorstep of the Ministries
of Commerce and Finance (or the Central Board of Revenue) in any of
the four martial laws? What is more important than our perennial
deficits?
The
Chief Executive (CE) has got his heart in the right place, he has now
to apply himself in exclusion of everything else to accountability and
reform. He does not have to venture on journeys anywhere, attend any
receptions, cut any ribbons, kiss any babies and/or give out any
degrees and diplomas, etc. The CE has repeatedly stated he is not
running for office, his primary raison d'etre is to make the system
efficient and public-friendly in the short time available to him. He
should move lock, stock and barrel into the CE's Secretariat,
journeying maybe only two days a week outside Islamabad and that too
only to the Provincial capitals. Same should apply to his Provincial
set ups, go only one down unless absolutely necessary. Decisions of
importance are necessary on an emergency basis, virtually around the
clock. The CE has to put body, mind and soul to the many problems
be-devilling the country, and stay focussed on the primary aim by
giving necessary decisions in supercession of everything else. People
expect the military regime to perform miracles, that may be expecting
too much but some miracles are achievable with absolute commitment to
the mission statement in word as well as in deed. The new millennium
really started on Jan 1, 2001, can the Army maintain the national aim
in exclusion to the extraneous distractions of public office?
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