Need to Re-examine Military System of Education

Cdr (Retd) Muhammad Azam Khan examines the need for changes.

Pakistan’s history is inflated with frequent disruptions and derailment of democratic process. In its aftermath, every coup has prompted endless debates examining causes of intrusion and pinning blame on politicians besides civil bureaucracy and external forces.

One aspect that has, however, escaped common attention is the military system of education which persistently churns out a class unable to reconcile with the idea of serving subordinate to a civilian authority. One day it is the full military brass saluting a civilian leader, the next he is either on gallows or is lodged in a penitentiary at Attock fort.

At its rudimentary level, the military system of education in service(s) academy besides providing professional training and learning of history, stresses upon chiselling individual character attributes.  At a later stage, the mid-career staff course(s) prepare officers towards conducting staff duties in an effective and efficient manner.  Blended with study of tactical doctrines, defence management and inter-services working methodology, the staff courses offer adequate expertise in achieving the designed ends.

The next step, which also marks the culmination of formal professional studies in the armed forces, is the prestigious National Defence College, Islamabad. Ranked as the highest seat of learning in the armed forces, it is here that select few from the three services graduate each year. Since its inception in early 70’s, National Defence College has produced an array of officers from the three services. Some of the graduating ‘strategists’ have assumed highest ranks within their parent service and sat behind desks in prominent public and private sector offices.

The attending members at NDC are provided extensive learning in ‘strategy’ including examination of national and military issues of strategic importance. In order to draw cogent and helpful conclusions, comprehensive study of key military failings also forms part of studies at the NDC. All this is achieved through a series of war gaming and extensive research work augmented through talk(s) by eminent scholars and high ranking military as well as civilian speakers.

With such severe drilling of history, its lessons and exposure to strategic issues, we must be able to steer clear of the past mistakes, both at the military as well as national level. Our history, however, speaks otherwise.

An inbuilt feature of military training that becomes patent along the career progression is the subconscious programming of minds that feel superior to the civil society at large. Any inferior or subordinate position to an outsider or in a civil set-up is, therefore, not easily acceptable and is acquiesced only under expediency.

A serving PM not having access and kept deliberately uninformed on the country’s nuclear facilities and (or) withholding sensitive national security information from country’s top civilian authority if nothing, are manifestation of mistrust of the civilian leadership.

Considered at lower levels; in not too distant past incidents of officers manhandling civilians to avenge alleged insult of their colleagues, killing of innocent peasants and labelling them cross border infiltrators and a journalist beaten black and blue following a minor road accident speaks of the mind that considers all subjects subordinate and subservient to his will.

During the course of training from elementary to the highest tier, the responsibility and the position of the armed forces as stipulated in article 245 [(1)] of the constitution or the sanctity of the oath (Article 244), except for some cursory mention rarely gets an opportunity of debate. Obviously, the corollary of such a vital link i.e. the influence of military leaders, who usurped power, trampled the constitution and perpetuated their despotic rule on the hapless masses of this country leaving behind a trail of national mess including a polarized society, therefore hardly gets any attention. No pragmatic and purposeful lessons are thus drawn by the officers who continue rising in ranks with a gripped thinking of superiority.

Are the laws enacted in service(s) manuals superlative to the constitution? Are we part of problem or a solution to it? What kind of bearing did our former military rulers have on the nation in general; the role they played in polarizing the society; their failures to forge national stability; catastrophic results of pursuing wrong external policies or the damaging effects of arbitrarily incorporating changes in the constitution leading to wide abuse of powers by individuals. These and many such questions remain unanswered as year after year officers’ graduate from these fine institutes.   

One reason in avoiding such a discourse is perhaps the uneasiness to hear about the transgression, or strategic lapses committed by former comrades which, to many, may tantamount to class disloyalty. But to shun such dissertation (by design or default) is to push the over-zealous in pursuing the old path.

Thus while attending course at the National Defence College, I vividly recall the gloom and disappointment on the faces of my colleagues in khaki the day General Jahangir Karamat, ceding demand of the then PM, decided to step down. The muted voices and unspoken expression of dismay was too obvious to be concealed. Indeed, the option of the ex-COAS to conform to the constitutional norms instead of using 111 Brigade was no cause of pleasure for his companions. Such psychological loss of ‘self-esteem’ was, however, restored on Oct 12, 1999.

The distasteful role of politicians in undermining democracy in Pakistan can never be condoned, nonetheless there is essential need to educate ourselves by examining some of the established democratic polities. In neighbouring India or elsewhere politicians are as perverted or corrupt as we have in Pakistan. Yet in the midst of current stand-off, a senior strike corps commander was sacked by the Indian government on grounds of over-reaching the orders given to him.

In the United States, Jewish lobby continues to dole millions of dollars round the year, bribing congressmen to haul out and influence the ‘decision making process’ in the Oval office as well as congress. Even so, during a series of press briefings by Pentagon on the ‘war on terror’ unless a direct question was asked, General Tommy Frank only spoke on professional matters when directed by Colin Powell or Donald Rumsfeld. Add to that is the recent string of corporate frauds that have shaken US but has not invited even a diminutive comment from military hierarchy.

Aforementioned notwithstanding, a close study reveals, beyond a shred of doubt, that the corrupt class of politicians has historically been a product of military strongmen. Bhutto was blue eyed boy of Ayub and Sharif was baptized by Zia. The irony is that the next generation of such politicians is being prepared by the current military regime in the form of PML (Q). Can we then dream of ever liberating ourselves of such perverse heritage?

While justifying military rule, too often Turkish model is cited as an example. What we tend to forget, however, is that being NATO ally and having close military ties with Israel, Turkey has been the darling of the west. It always had a distinct advantage, both in terms of military as well as economic assistance from its European and other allies. But even then the country has not developed well in a civil facade underneath which the military has been calling the real shots. A dollar 12 billion finance was recently injected by IMF to help resuscitate and salvage the country from near financial bankruptcy.  That the current US support for the military government in Pakistan, as always, is only a short-term and fleeting affair need not be overemphasized.

The contemplated course chosen by military government to formalize the role of armed forces in the country’s politics is not only a contradiction of its own agenda of Oct 12, 1999 but may have far reaching ramifications on the discipline as well as professional skills within the ranks. The proposed 73 constitutional changes in the first package as against only 14 between 1977 and 1999 are as good as writing the constitution afresh. Mangling the already lacerated constitution is a misguided attempt to the cause of promoting unadulterated democracy in Pakistan. And based on flawed assumption of decade long misrule by the politicians necessitating ‘checks and balances’, the resultant system is likely to crumble sooner rather than later.

Too often we have walked such course only with dreadful and unspeakable results for the institution as well as the nation.  And this time we are going overboard in laying funeral wreath on the grave of both, the ‘will of the people’ as enshrined in the constitution as well as ‘democracy’.

There is an urgent need to review the military system of education wherein understanding and sanctity of upholding the constitution must form core of studies at all tiers. Alongside the damaging affects of military rule, (writ large on the country’s landscape and least of which is the present class of corrupt and self serving politicians) must be studied exhaustively and allowed free discourse in higher military institutes of learning.