Benazir
Blinks!
The
Bhutto family functions on the premise that most Pakistanis have very
short memories, unfortunately they are quite right. Ms Benazir was the
first major politician to welcome the military regime’s dispatching
of Mian Nawaz Sharif on Oct 12, 1999, the “honeymoon” went
on for sometime. The PPP Chairperson finally realized that the one-sided
“love affair” was going nowhere, the military regime being
in no mood to drop corruption charges against her or her husband, Asif
Zardari. Frustrated in the hope that on the basis of “an enemy of
an enemy is a friend”, the military regime’s animosity towards
Mian Nawaz Sharif would force political compromise with her. Ms Benazir
did a smart U-turn, transforming her politics into virulent opposition.
A consummate political animal, she gave the appearance of keeping back
channels open to the COAS, mainly to shore up the morale of her increasingly
demoralized supporters who were expecting some relief in Nawaz’s
ouster. When the military regime denied any such contact, she declared
“war” on the Pakistan Army.
For the past eight months Ms Benazir has been assailing the defenders
of this country, synchronizing her attacks on our men in uniform in line
with India’s contention, i.e. Pakistan Army is to blame for cross-border
terrorism across the LoC, the attack on Indian Parliament, harbouring
and sponsoring terrorism of all kind, etc. To retain the loyalty of her
party workers while in self-imposed exile, she has kept a barrage of misleading
propaganda going, the latest being that she would return to Pakistan by
special aircraft on August 14 and fight the elections despite the election
laws. This brinkmanship may be brilliant politically, the fact remains
that other than being forced to knuckle down to the existing reality of
the military regime’s ground rules for politics in Pakistan, she
has succumbed to internal pressure within PPP forcing her to nominate
Makhdoom Amin Fahim as the head of a newly created Parliamentary entity
of the PPP. Her choice as rubber-stamp was Aftab Shahban Mirani. Winking
at the military regime for sometime, she then tried international pressure
to stare them out, Ms Benazir has now blinked.
Ms Benazir’s father exploded the myth in 1970 that Pakistan was
the preserve of veteran political forces, mostly feudals, and there was
no room for Johnny-cum-lately upstarts in the Pakistani political process.
Thirty years later his daughter is trying desperately to project another
myth, that PPP will sweep the other parties like chaff in the October
elections. PPP is a major national party, about that one should not have
any doubt but it is far from being the political force it was in the 1970
elections, every subsequent elections has seen it lose ground, dropping
to its lowest ebb in 1997. More importantly, one does not see young faces
in PPP, only the old guards remain, but the Jiyalas do remain faithful!
In 1993 a trio of generals placed in critical slots under the Moin Qureshi
caretaker regime manipulated PPP’s forming of a coalition to make
the government. Has anyone yet explained how and why the MQM and its 14
seats were made to boycott the NA elections in 1993, and why in 18 critical
urban-rural seats, the electoral position changed after midnight from
favouring PML (N) to PPP. I hold no brief for Mian Nawaz Sharif but the
fact remains that
PML (N) was cheated out of making the government in 1993.
While Ms Benazir represents the most potent of political forces in South
Asia, the family personality cult, the PPP continues to have very fine
and capable politicians who can win their individual seats in their own
independent capacities. Within interior Sindh, PPP remains a very strong
political entity and will certainly win a majority of the seats in both
the NA and PA elections. In the Sindh urban area, they are still no match
for the MQM, which incidentally was the only Party to conduct Party polls
in an organized and transparent manner. It was a treat to watch the democratic
process, one hopes that their militancy will remain within bounds. The
Sindhi nationalist forces cannot be brushed away, including PML (N), PML
(Q-A),
PML (F) etc they also have safe family seats which they will certainly
win whatever the circumstances. As far as NWFP and Balochistan is concerned,
PPP is in real danger of not even getting a single seat for the first
time in its history. NWFP is estranged PPP leader Sherpao’s territory
and while his faction of the PPP may not get the majority, along with
either the ANP or PML’s other faction, they can cobble together
the Provincial Government. Punjab is the real battleground and the appointment
of Shahbaz Sharif in place of Mian Nawaz Sharif as President PML (N) has
drastically changed the political dynamics. PPP depends upon individual
political heavyweights to win their own constituencies, particularly in
Southern Punjab. The PPP was relying on the PML remaining fractured among
ego lines, for sometime it was a political reality, with Shahbaz around
it will not remain so.
What PML (N) should have done in 1999 (and even earlier) they have done
now, Mian Nawaz Sharif making way for his brother. A very nice man, Mian
Sahib was a disaster as a Sher Shah Suri, known more for his making the
GT Road but who really conceived and implemented a superb administration.
As Chief Minister Punjab, Shahbaz did an excellent job and thus has a
potent vote bank. The problem is that the major leaders are in PML (Q-A),
these individual personalities will win their own constituencies. Shahbaz
will have to toe a fine line between family preferences and political
realities. While it is too early to erase the bad blood, particularly
with the Chaudhrys of Gujrat, the PML factions will do well by having
seat adjustments, primarily on the format that none of the factions would
oppose MNA/MPA elected to the 1997 Assemblies. On those seats rendered
vacant because of attrition due to electoral losses, disqualification,
deaths, etc there could be give and take. With seat adjustment PML will
be by far the strongest grouping in Punjab. With the help of ANP-PPP Sherpao
combine in NWFP and MQM in Sindh, they can easily form the Federal Government
and the Governments of Punjab and NWFP. The PPP will certainly have the
best chance of making a government in Sindh but they will be hard put
to do so in the face of determined challenge from a coalition of MQM,
PML factions, the Sindh nationalist parties and independents.
Important political forces like Awami National Party (ANP) and Muttahida
Qaumi Mahaz (MQM) will get significant number of seats, enough to make
them king-makers but not enough for them to be kings themselves. Of the
newcomers, Imran Khan’s Tehrik-i-Insaf and Farooq Leghari’s
Millat Party will have votes but not many seats, having some political
nuisance value. Imran’s gray area is a substantial number of youth
between the ages of 18 and 26 can be seen supporting him, how they actually
vote on Election Day is another matter, can Imran convert his charisma
into seats? This applies to the urban rather than the rural youth. Having
no political heavyweights can be an advantage because our youth is turned
off from the veteran corruption-laden political machinery of yesteryears.
One cannot write off the religious parties despite their Afghan and subsequent
failure to pass muster in the streets when the chips are down. They will
always have NA seats, in the NWFP and Balochistan Assemblies they will
be able to be part of the ruling governments. In a close contest they
may even make a difference in the Centre.
According to Ms Benazir she returns in four days time on 14 August, is
this another one in her series of bluffs or is it for real? For reasons
of “national security”, corruption, etc the military hierarchy
is not enamoured of her. The mood among the rank and file, particularly
the younger lot is rather more hostile, they have been facing the enemy
on the borders while she has been staunchly pro-Indian on every conceivable
media channel for the past several months. Ms Benazir does not have a
corner on becoming emotional on various issues, Sepoy Nathu Khan once
aroused on issues of patriotism can quite be dangerous, to the point of
being lethal.
The next 60 days are likely to be very interesting and given Pakistan’s
political history we have not seen the last of the twists and turns. |