Coming round a complete circle again

Contributing Editor Vice Admiral (Retd) Iqbal F Quadir says Pakistan is back to square one.

Ever since 1954, when the servants of the state, led by Ghulam Muhammad, decided not to assist people's elected representatives in running the country but rather to govern it themselves, the distrust between the common man together with his elected representative and the people paid by the state has continued to increase. To the new rulers at that time, and to succeeding string of reformers ever since then, it never struck as ironic that, but for the determination and sacrifices by the ordinary people led by the Quaid and supported by many Muslim feudal and princely families, mainly from Bengal and the old United Provinces, and financial support of Muslim business community from throughout British India, Pakistan might never have come into existence. On the contrary, most of the Muslims enjoying their sustenance from the British masters came around to the thinking of the common Muslim about the year 1944 when it had become clear that the Indian Congress was not in a mood to be a partner with the Muslims in independence, who by then were largely behind the Muslim League. They also seemed to have forgotten that for a long time after independence, when, with the departure of all Hindus and Sikhs, who before independence had provided almost all the administration's staff and looked after the merchant economy of areas composing Pakistan, practically no local administrative or economic structure was left intact, it was the sheer will, sacrifices and effort of ordinary people and their determination to continue whatever the difficulties and handicaps that had kept the country going. A great pity that these two great contributions of the ordinary people before and after independence have neither been recognized nor given the credit it deserved nor even taken note of.
The civil servants under the British, ICS and others, particularly those of the central ilk, enjoyed a social position amongst the Indians that was unique and the epitome of a development that had started with the first Aryan colonizers who ruled in northern part of the subcontinent and which institution of 'administrating the natives' gradually turned into a sophisticated administrative organization that it became under the Moghals. When the British came to power they quickly adopted the Moghal system with modifications to ensure that officers in the field such as District Officers who came in direct contact with the local population, rarely stayed more than three years at a station. This rule, it seems, was primarily designed to take care of any urge by the British Officers to merge with the locals, particularly the elite, as had happened with past colonizers and even British officials of the Company / Sarkar Bahadur (the East India Company). The distancing of District Officers from the local population (the natives), which policy together with District Officer's administrative powers and discretionary authority in the interest of their home country, gave the British an aura of superiority and aloofness that the local population greatly admired and later became fond of. Further, the British officers, well-wagered and having no personal local interests were the embodiment of fairness and justice that won them local people's admiration, affection and respect. In fact, these British officers served the people more than they officered by searching for and solving their problems while keeping, for good reasons, feudal and spiritual elders on their toes. Thus, they had the Indians stringing behind them without having to be asked for it. In this manner, with the people seeking service and the elders favours in return for their loyalty to the crown, the system worked well for the colonial-cum-imperial power.
The Indian Civil Service officers, whose recruitment started about the nineteen twenties as well as the lower staff lived in residential areas built specially for them; away from old cities and towns; with superior housing, environment and special community facilities Their wage structures were higher than those connected with local economy. In addition, there were many perks and advantages some of which were not even laid down in government orders but understood all the same. All this plus more gave the Indian government officials an air of superiority and even haughtiness as they, like the British, tried to keep their distance from their brother natives but without the same nonchalant British grace. In consequence, they were feared rather than respected, more so because of the power of patronage and punishment they indirectly enjoyed over their fellow Indians. It also provided for many of them a feeling of disdain towards the lesser Indians. In the military field too, the position was no different, rather if anything, they were even more removed from the general public, though they perceived themselves to be closure than civil servants because of their contacts with the soldier in the units. Further, the military also had more perks and privileges than their counterpart civilian officials because of the needs of the Second World War, preparations for which had commenced from the mid-thirties. Thus it was that both these types of government officials carried with them feelings of aloofness, superiority and disdains for the lesser beings into the post-colonial era; a tendency and fashion that have yet to lose their force.
What further encouraged the civil (and military) bureaucracy to plot against the elected government was perhaps the prospect of US-Aid to bolster Pakistan against any Soviet Communist expansion southwards towards the Indian Ocean and India. Though, no official records of that period are available to the public, perhaps otherwise also, it would seem that senior Pakistani civil and military officials were not satisfied with the government's policy (laid down by the Quaid) of "friendly relations with all the countries of world." The legacy of the "Great game in Central Asia" between UK and USSR still dominated the minds of civil and military bureaucracy and they were keen to use this threat as the means to obtain development and military assistance from USA. Further, for them, bolstering Pakistan economically and militarily with US aid was to be the means to stand up to India's hegemonic ambitions. As mentioned in one of my earlier articles Ghulam Muhammad as Finance Minister had for this purpose established contact with US Charge d'Affairs as early as in August 1947, which continued thereafter. By 1953, the US Government itself was keen to set up a bulwark of defence against Communist expansion southward and had decided that Pakistan was in an ideal position to be the lynch pin of defence of the region. According to certain relatives of Khawaja Nazimuddin the Prime Minister of Pakistan at that time and who do not wish to be named; KN according to the British tradition and wishing to avoid setting up a new precedent, had just then decided not to grant an extension in General Ayub's three year's tenure as the Commander-in-Chief of Pakistan Army and advised the Governor General accordingly. GM, the master intriguer, it would seem, then used that recommendation as the ace card for getting Ayub on his side against the Cabinet, which apparently wanted the relationship with the US to remain short of a Defence Pact that ultimately came about after Kh. Nazimuddin's overthrow.
The above conclusion is admittedly a hypothesis but it is based on two factors. First, GM himself having been the choice of KN for the post of Governor General as Khawaja Nazimuddin stepped down to become the Prime Minister, Ghulam Mohammad had no overt other political differences with KN when the latter was summarily dismissed despite having full support of the Assembly. Second, just as surely, if the end result was four and one of its components was two, then the other component must be two. The end result of KN's dismissal being the instalment of Mr. Bogra Pakistan's Ambassador to USA as Prime Minister, followed by a defence pact with USA within a short period after that; the known factor being "no other political differences," it led one to conclude that the question of defence pact with USA must have been the most likely factor that caused the event. Furthermore, it has been related to me by a reliable person that according to Mr. Bogra himself, he arrived in Karachi as per plan of the plot a day before KN was to be dismissed and he was to take over as prime minister without any information to the Prime Minister. But soon, thereafter, he got a call to meet the Prime Minister the same evening. Thinking the game was up, immediately on arrival at the PM's residence he started by apologizing to the Prime Minister for ---, but Khawaja Nazimuddin without letting him finish --- interjected "forget it, you should have told me you were coming". Bogra immediately realized that KN was not aware of what was about to happen the next day and heaved a sigh of relief.
The feudal of West Pakistan immediately rallied behind Ghulam Muhammad and the trio of civil service; the military and the feudal lobby, all happening to be mainly from one province, proved too much for the politicians in the assembly and to the rising middle class in feudal-free East Pakistan. The judicial backing of Ghulam Muhammad's illegal act then completed the demise of people's power through their freely elected representatives, never to rise again to date except in what was once East Pakistan. Thus ended prematurely and sorrowfully Pakistani people's seven-year itch for their independence and the right to decide what they felt was good for them. In 1955, the Diplomatic Wing of US Embassy foreseeing the impending clash between the feudals led West Pakistan and the developing middle class of East Pakistan, warned Washington but the latter's response is not known. The rising economic disparity between the two wings of the country due to greater economic outfall of US and Pakistani military spending in West Pakistan, a strategic need against possible Soviet invasion, added to the sense of deprivation in East Pakistan. The latter's feeling of alienation was further compounded by watching a huge number of Punjabis and Pathans been recruited under federally funded projects. A similar feeling was still latent amongst the people of Sindh and Balochistan, who's so-called leaders have done well for themselves just as those of other two provinces, but the people had become poorer relative to the two Ps as also in real terms. The rule of the civil service through Ghulam Muhammad and Iskander Mirza lasted till 1958 when Ayub decided enough was enough and he was no longer willing to provide army's shoulders for the civil service-feudal combine to ride upon. At that time too in 1958, the centuries old custom of civilian control of the army in the subcontinent disappeared in Pakistan. As for a tradition in Islam, during its pristine period when it defeated the armies of two superpowers of the time, the Romans and the Iranians; there was no concept of a standing army, the people were the army itself.
A historical look at the areas constituting present Pakistan, that till quite recently were rural agricultural, shows there existed a perpetual feeling of animosity between the rulers represented by the administration and the common people. Each had always been highly suspicious of the other; the former feeling the latter were concealing their real wealth while the latter felt the government was too corrupt and always snatched away more than its rightful share. Under the short period of British rule in the areas constituting present Pakistan, there was an element of relief for the peasant, the farmer and the townsman but old habits never died amongst lower functionaries. Consequently, no love was ever lost between the two antagonists. Furthermore, during Pakistan's 5,000 years of pre-independence history, so many invaders have marauded through the area from all directions, leaving the locals destitute every time, that the psyche of animosity towards the government has become part of local genes. Since independence, most sadly, the scale of corruption has not only multiplied but regrettably its tentacles have penetrated into all strata of society, particularly the higher and richer levels because of absence of adherence to rule of law at those levels and a complete failure of accountability against white collar crime in its various forms and guises. Everyday, one reads of so and so small functionary of the state has been nabbed for corruption or some other misdeed and then gazes at other columns stating that Pakistan's foreign debt totals US dollars 38 billion. One then wonders where all that money has gone? Could it be that the 140 million or more poor people have like moths eaten it away, leaving almost nothing to show for it except posh government official and residential buildings, thousands of posh as well dilapidated cars, unlimited government staff and billions of rupees worth of unpaid electricity bills etc. Then again, who owns the frequently quoted 40 billion US dollars in private bank accounts abroad? Could they again be the 140 million or more poor people? What about, since October 12, 1999? Just compare the increase in prices for the half a dozen or so essentials of the common man and the decrease in prices of items of interest to the rich only, it would make interesting reading. According to the latest ADB Report on issues and causes of poverty in Pakistan, it states that "poverty in the country has registered a significant rise since 1999. The real result of the macro- level financial management would raise its head in three to five year's time, who would then be willing to take credit for the final outcome? It is lucky though that China has stepped into the economic field of development in Pakistan and some Arab funds withdrawn from USA might also find their way into Pakistan's economy, which could then help to attract the more sophisticated western technologies and expertise."
What about money-scooping at the domestic level? The latest State Bank report on Banks stuck up loans as given in Karachi's Financial Post states, "Despite heavy restructuring of the banking sector by the government an amount of Rs. 21 billion has been recorded as stuck-up loans in one year period, raising the total amount of stuck-up loans to Rs. 3.1 trillion. This also includes Rs. 1.3 million as default loans and Rs. 1.6 trillion as non-performing loans. (The) Report says the nationalized commercial banks (UBL, NBP, HBL, and First Women Bank) have stuck up a total amount of Rs. 87.6 billion; privatized banks (MCB & ABL) Rs. 22.1 billion; private commercial banks
Rs. 17.2 billion; specialized banks (IDBP, ADBP, Federal Bank for Cooperative & The Punjab Commercial Cooperative Bank) Rs. 21.5 billion. However, the figure of stuck-up loans by foreign banks has decreased to Rs. 6.7 billion and that of development financial institutions to Rs. 10.7 billion. These figures clearly show how for the sake and benefit of a few thousand families, the rest of the 140 million Pakistanis have to remember these mind-boggling figures of sheer daylight robberies. Were, in addition to the above, the country to find out how the trillions given to the civil and military services of the government have been utilized or wasted, the whole nation would surely get a heart attack. All this loot has been made possible because the institutions that would have prevented it were systematically destroyed from 1954 onwards by those who thought they knew better. From that year onward only those favoured by the "Establishment of the Period" could rise above a certain level. During General Zia's time I personally saw how certain fine upcoming two and three star generals and some good civil servants were sidelined to make way for the cronies. From 1954 onwards, each and every institution of the country was manipulated and their rules altered to suit the whims and fancies of those in power.
Everything was made legal and morality based on our religion thrown overboard. All because each ruling elite, in its time, felt it only knew best and that the rest were mere obstructionists. The three elected Prime Ministers of country since 1972, were in reality themselves a creation of the Establishment, thrown out when they had learnt sufficiently to be able to chart an independent course for themselves. Even during these democratic periods the Establishment had on all-important matters tied the politicians hands to the extent of who would be selected as candidate and who would be elected to the Assemblies. The more than 140 million people of the country were never trusted nor ever given a chance to mould and run their lives according to what they thought was best for them, through their freely elected representatives. After thirty-one years of getting rid of what the powers that be during 1971 thought was an unwanted weight round their necks, we have come round a complete circle again with a new LFO.