Iraq
War’s collateral
damage
Columnist M B NAQVI talks about the unspecified destruction
in the on-going conflict.
This war is scarcely one week old as one writes. Not being a militarily
trained person, it is pointless for one to formulate definite opinions
on how long or how much more equipment and men will it take to enable
the Americans to inflict a clear victory on Iraq and what course the
war is likely to take in coming days is outside one’s capabilities.
One can only observe what the war is going to do to the people and the
world.
Ones wishes to distinguish two types of collateral damage that the war
is inflicting. This is of course a euphemism for the murder of men, women
and children by fire, concussion and shrapnel. They did not want to admit
that they are killing civilians, old men, women and children and call
it an ambiguous collateral damage. The second kind of collateral damage
is that of the infrastructure that the Iraqi people have built with their
labours and wealth. It is being systematically destroyed. That is always
the basic strategy of a war and is still the name of the game. The destruction
is on purpose. One reason is of course to weaken or destroy the resistance
of the victim state. The second is more ugly, particularly this time:
it is to destroy the infrastructure in order to rebuild it for the benefit
of the private building companies which the aggressors favour. The total
costs would thus be paid by the victims own resources and labours with
enough returns.
Actually this is the silliest kind of military economics. It is in fact
spitting on the grave of James Maynord Kyense: destroy and rebuild for
the foreigners’ profits and the victim has to pay all the costs
in the end. It is known that the American economy has not been in the
pink of health in recent days. It has in fact been falling behind in
the primary industrial fields to its rivals in Japan, Germany and East
Asia’s Japan. It has specialised only in refining the science,
arts and crafts of war. It therefore has the most efficient, or supposedly
so, war machine in the world. It is expected to destroy everything in
its path and once its juggernaut is on its way, it will conquer all.
In any war the chances of working out of the presumed or calculated schemes
of the aggressor are never very high. One is not in a position to say
as to how much would the Americans destroy, how soon and how they propose
to rebuild. All one knows by press reports is that the American government
has already alerted America’s construction companies to elicit
letters of interest in the work of rebuilding Iraq after its infrastructure
has been more or less razed to the ground.
The Europeans are, there are indications, to be eliminated from this
altogether. Even the Britishers are cribbling. The British government
has already made contacts with the American authorities on the subject
that some benefit should also accrue to British companies that have experience
of Iraq and can help in the building and have the orientation for working
in Iraq. They are scrambling for the spoils, the game for which has already
begun – even before the crop is ready. Needless to repeat: who
will pay the ultimate bill? Doubtless it would be Iraq’s own resources
and Iraq’s own labours that pay the costs to the victors for all
the expenditure that may have incurred plus all the interest and return
that they would expect on this “investment”. The Americans
are unashamedly using war as a business venture also.
Functionally, one distinguishes other kinds of collateral damage also.
They are not qualitatively different. One sees them in two separate contexts.
One is the clear purpose of a regime change and to redraw the map of
the Middle East. No doubt it is a part of the larger American effort
now to reshape the world in its own image and in accordance with its
own interests. But it has confined itself for the moment to the Middle
East.
Everyone knows that Iraq was, once upon a time without specific boundaries,
Mesopotamia, an ancient land where civilisation flourished many millennia
before. It is the land of the Saracens also. The specific modern Iraqi
space was carved out between the victorious French and the British in
1921. The British conceded Syria and Lebanon to France and took Iraq
and the rest of the Persian Gulf to themselves. The British part produced
more oil and the British became more prosperous as a result of exploiting
it. But they did not have enough time to become truly rich by the time
the Second World War caught up with them. The Americans took over the
British interests during the Second World War and shortly thereafter
in Iran and Saudi Arabia. Similarly the Americans have taken over the
task of managing South Asia from the British. Virtually most of it, minus
smaller interests to British companies from the oil of Saudi Arabia (the
world’s largest oil producer with the largest known reserves) and
UAE. The British have tenaciously held on to a few other Persian Gulf
areas by of course conceding shares to the American companies in ever
larger amounts. This is the bedrock on which Anglo-American cooperation
rests: it is the inter-penetration of the Anglo-American capital in the
Middle East primarily as well as in some other places. That is the hard
fact on which the special Anglo-American relationship is built on. It
is recent, 1950’s, growth and might any day disappear should UK’s
stance of permanent servility to the US change.
Remember that the Americans preferred the outright isolationism in 1920s
to any involvement in Europe; they did not wish to go beyond the two
America’s. They did not even remain interested in the League of
Nations that was founded on the rhetoric of President Woodrow Wilson
which of course later proved to be more ephemeral than substantive. This
Isolationism is another name for Unilateralism. It is indeed the other
side of the same coin. The Americans always believed in what one of their
Presidents has said: “talk softly but carry a long staff”.
Unilateralism is inherent to Isolationism whether idealistically expressed
or otherwise. And the two hang together. That was because of Americans
stage of development then; they felt they had their hands full in managing
Latin America with profit and thus left much to the British and the French
after First World War. Not so now. They need more and more – and
now. But the same isolationism-produced Unilateralism is now being extended
from Latin America to Asia.
No one should be surprised by America’s Unilateralism today. Now
the facts are that while the approaching Second World War made the League
of Nations fade away. The League of Nations had failed because it could
not contain the rivalry among all old established powers as well as the
new rising ones. The old established ones for the League were France
and Britain which had in early 1920s carved up most of the Middle East
after having divided all the Africans in the Nineteenth Century. The
regimes imposed in early 1920s by France and Britain over majority of
Middle East have lasted, technically, up to now. It is true that the
Americans have insinuated their way into almost every part of the Middle
East and rest of the Third World with clear intent to elbow out Britain
and France. This was of course easily done in areas of real interest
to America, though Franco-phone Africa has remained tenuously attached
to France and the latter enjoys privileges there. The point here is to
assign in what damage has been done to all this evolving international
system and international law by the current American War.
One has to be concerned with the international system and international
law. Insofar as international law is concerned, it has evolved over the
last 500 or 600 years mainly in Europe. It is an inescapable need if
people of different parts of globe visit one another or trade, they need
firm rules – law – to assist and provide common protection
to all. Why in Europe? because Europe was the first to experience the
rejuvenation or the Renaissance as a result of which its rising capitalist
class took the road of colonisation of other Continents through the international
trade. Originally there was no laws. Any exporter with strength on hand
in the ship or in supporting ships of the flotilla would go and unload
its cargo, charge what price it might command and take in what goods
it took and at what price. It was a highly unpredictable and unequal
exchange. Eventually, they evolved a system of colonisation including
the colonisation of America itself by eliminating the Red Indians and
also later the Spaniards and Portuguese from North America. After pushing
the Spaniards and Portuguese outside, the British, French and German
occupied most of the North America. There was no international system
to speak of and international law depended upon specific treaties between
specific Italian city states and some notional understandings with what
were to become colonies of European colonial powers. That is how law
among nations or international law has gradually evolved. The need for
a codified international law was felt. Indeed the need was felt for an
international organisation that would perform the functions that earlier
treaties among various Chambers of Commerces did among states and so
forth. But a codified international law to be enforced by an international
organisation was an idea that continued to gain respect in the days leading
up to the First World War. Such an organisation was set up at American
intervention and rhetoric. It was the League of Nations that lasted most
of the 1920s and even 1930s but faded away in later 1930s and few remember
when it died. Only its archives at Geneva might show the date. The main
story of an international law enforced by an international organisation
is all about what happened after First World War and what has been happening
since the Second World War – a period of over 80 years.
The League of Nations faded away because it could not manage the rivalry
between the rising powers of Japan, Italy and Germany and the entrenched
French and British power in the 1930s. In the early 1930s Japan invaded
Mauchuria – and what are now the two Koreas. In 1935 the Italians
invaded Abbysinia which is now Ethiopia. Mussolini of Italy made other
moves in Africa also. These virtually killed the League of Nations and
people had stopped talking about it as far back as 1937 and 1938 when
specific Anglo-French efforts were being noted by the world press and
there was no mention of League of Nations in the newspapers of those
days. After the Second World War the new United Nations Organisation
(UNO) reflected the realities of the age, with some concession to what
had gone on before. Thus the United Nations tried to be a distinct improvement
on the League of Nations in matters of certain issues between states,
creating a Security Council for the security of all states. But a big
concession to powerful states too was inserted. Five great powers were
given the right of veto in the Security Council. It meant that whenever
the supreme national interest of any of these great powers required protection,
their negative vote in the Security Council will be a veto on all the
actions of Security Council. The giving of veto power to China, which
was more or less postrate, and France and Britain, which had been weakened
immeasurably, was a concession to past history and the impressions of
the day. They were the technical victors. The real victory had belonged
to Soviet Union and the US. We can skip the details and can see that
the world quickly became a bipolar world in which the two powers, the
US and the Soviets, quarrelled and carried on a long cold war. The whole
world was polarised between the two. In the end the Americans won and
the Soviets lost. In fact the Soviets died in 1989 and the ceremony was
solemnised in 1990 the Paris Treaty. The world has been truly unipolar
since. The UN now requires adjustments at the very best. The only power
that matters today is United States. Others matter growingly less. The
Americans have reverted to their Isolationism and have felt free to use
the garb of Unilateralism. This means that they really want to rule the
world and reshape it to serve their own interests. That is the challenge
that the UN was required to face in the days coming right up to 9/11.
The 9/11 provided an occasion for pent up American Unilateralist pressure
to unleash itself. It quickly began reshaping the Middle East. It dusted
off all the files from the Pentagon shelves. It went in straight to Afghanistan
and occupied it. It has established bases in Pakistan, Afghanistan, Uzbekistan,
Turkmenistan, Kyrgystan, Tajikistan and have arrangements in Kazakhastan,
not to mention Georgia which has also given military bases to the US.
The US has already pushed out the influence of China and Russia from
Central Asia. Clearly America means to be the supreme power in Central
Asia also and make all the big decisions of all the key resources of
the area just it has become able to do in Middle East. The US will dispose
of more power by winning this second Iraq War.
The collateral damage to be most feared for is that the UN is dead or
may soon be fading away. Efforts are on to hold a session of Security
Council to consider the effects of the current American War on Iraq,
if it remains current by the time these lines appear. The fact of the
matter is that the UN, particularly the Security Council, was not designed
to cope with the unipolar world. It still thought that there would be
more than one power and the management function will remain attached
to the UN. That function is now not there. Americans can do without the
UN and they have never cared much for it anyway in all these recent decades.
They have treated it with contempt and condensation. They have made it
dance to its own tune, particularly in the last 13 years. But the UN
need not have the same fate as that of League of Nations. One’s
apprehension is that it may. There is nothing to prevent it except America’s
own conveniences and diplomatic requirement to give a collective colour
to their own decisions in the shape of UN resolutions. For that purpose
they might retain the UN as a decorative piece but without any teeth.
Not that it ever had any real teeth, thanks to the vetoes.
Let it be remembered that the UN can be reformed – but only if
some countervailing power is able to restrain America. Is there one?
States have not (yet?) proved to be able to do hold back US decisions.
Can global public opinion, so roused today, do that? How will it translate
itself into decisive international action? It seems difficult. Maybe
this 1945 UNO will fade away. Let’s hope a new and better one will
some day appear.
But what of international law? It is so much the worse for years of its
misuse because it has been specifically abused by the Americans over
the last 13-14 years. Can it recover its dynamism and essential vitality?
One has already conceded that it may do so, because it is the need of
America too – to an extent. But that is not enough for international
law as such. The Americans will have to do some superficial restructuring
of the UN, if they want their will to prevail while retaining a pretence
of some international organisation enforcing international law. Will
that do? |